"Liberals and the left have absorbed key lessons from the Trump insurgency. One of them is that a progressive movement seen as speaking primarily for affluent metropolitan areas will never command a durable majority."
E. J. Dionne, Washington Post
Bill and Hillary Clinton are the past. Howard Schultz is not the future.
The past. |
This blog has summarized the Democratic formula for success: go to graduate school and get a degree. Parents know this. If ones son or daughter becomes a doctor, lawyer, accountant, etc., the parent can breath a sigh of relief. The child will be OK, financially at least. This is a secure path to the solid middle class. But a child who isn't college bound, or who drops out, has an uncertain path, and may be stuck in an underworld of financial struggle.
Third Way Democrats after 1980 hitched their star to free markets and competition in the global economy. They were socially liberal, fiscally conservative, i.e. the economic status quo. Like Hillary Clinton. Like Howard Schultz.
That world works for a lot of people--especially well educated people who live in affluent coastal cities. Democrats do well there. Those are the economically vibrant, productive areas of the country.
Meanwhile there is the rural heartland, described dismissively by some as "the rust belt" and "flyover country." Red America.
People who look at politics as a single left-right axis miss what is going on. There are multiple axes, among them race and gender. But there are two axes that are salient in what is happening with Democrats, in response to the Trump revolution.
Culture axis. One is social conservatism in the Trump mold, which means nativism, nationalism and white Christian identity. What were hints and suggestions of this in the Nixon Southern Strategy, but it became overt under Trump. On the opposite side are the anti-racists, anti-xenophobia, anti-misogyny: social liberals. The anti-Trumps. Democrats.
Areas "making it" voted Democratic |
Both parties shared status quo economic policies, but there were minor differences. Republicans tended toward defending economic privilege (eliminate the inheritance tax, oppose minimum wage laws) but Democrats had their own version, defending educational meritocracy and the economic privilege of the professions over blue collar work.
Trump, however, re-made the GOP. He added to his overt nativist social populism an economic populist message. He talked about coal jobs, auto jobs, good blue collar jobs, and loving the uneducated. Meanwhile,Hillary talked about advanced education. Clinton,with her speeches to Goldman, Sachs, and prominent billionaire allies, had no credibility as a leader of a populist America.
The result: Trump won.
Hillary won in affluent cities and suburbs, but Trump won the socially conservative heartland plus the economically stressed upper midwest. House Districts won by Democrats created GDP of $10.2 trillion dollars, while House Districts won by Republicans had GDP of $6.2 trillion. Democrats. Click. Trump was the economic populist.
Democrats learned something. The next president--Democrat or Republican--will have an economic populist message, not a meritocracy message. That is the way for Democrats to claim back their share of votes among the financially insecure lower and middle income voters.
To win an electoral college majority Democrats need to be a populist party on both axes, the party that secures the social liberals in the cities and also makes credible claim to the struggling poor, working class, and middle class Americans. They do it by a message that says the status quo economic system is rigged in favor of the financial elites and against working people and the middle class.
Those votes were available to Obama in 2012. He had saved the midwest auto industry and Romney had said to let it die. But that marked the end of the old Democratic Party. By 2016 voters realized that Obama had protected the financial industry executives from prosecution and that Hillary Clinton was pals with Wall Street. Democrats lost the economic populist vote and the election.
They need those voters back.
This time they will run to Trump's left on taxes and and the power of economic elites. Democrats will be the economic populist party.
4 comments:
Not having taken time to think about this, my initial thoughts are probably simplistic, but it seems to me that Bill Clinton made his initial wins based on a simple slogan posted prominently in his Campaign offices; "Its the Economy, Stupid",and rode to the White House feeling the pain of lower income and middle class working folks. That he then didn't follow through with his promises is another story.
Excellent analysis. The chart shows that the fulcrum of economic elitism has shifted to the Dems. Making difficult for Ds to walk the talk of equality and opportunity. Another layer of inauthenticity in 2016. There have been three proposals to tax (soak) the rich in the past month: AOC, Warren and Sanders. The train has already left the station, setting up interesting internecine soul searching. Are fat cat Dems donors really going to willingly release control of the political process?
I think you finally understand the populist angst on the Left.
PS. Why are Bill and Hillary not smiling? And why would one have a portrait of them in the house?
Only way
Well said, Peter and anonymous. Watch main stream media and the elite Dems try to make this about economic populism vs. racism, or immigration, or LBGTQ or whatever identity politics card they can play. The Left will have to champion these issues while pushing for economic justice. Medicare for all adn free college are no-brainers in this regard but connecting the dots on the other issues will be a little more challenging. An even bigger challenge to the economic populists (of which I am one) will be breaking the "mind-forged manacles" of a populace that has become essentially hypnotized that they are commodities, no better than the materials they handle on their jobs. Stock market quotes and financial statements are the narrative of corporations, intended to keep employee income in its place. We must break the myth of the "divine right of capital" that we inherited from the robber barons and the old aristocracy of kings and nobles. There is nothing noble about passive income "earned" in Wall Street's casino. Marjorie Kelly covers this nicely in her "The Divine Right of Capital."
Post a Comment