The US Senate Chose Self Destruction. Message and warning to all of us: yes, leaders of countries could choose nuclear war.
In the long run, this mostly hurts Republicans. They did it anyway. Crazy!
Senators just chose nuclear war: Mutually Assured Destruction. They chose it slowly, intentionally. They did it for the same reasons Thucydides said Sparta went to war with Athens: gain, fear, honor. Each side decided they had to.
Senators have a great deal more power than House members. It is way better to be a senator than a member of Congress. The proof is that people quit the House to run for the Senate, and no one quits the Senate to run for the House.
Senators are not simply part of majority teams. Each individual senator has the individual power to stop things because of Senate rules on "nomination holds" and requirements for unanimous consent and the 60 vote filibuster. The Senate called elimination of the filibuster rule the "nuclear option" because senators understood it to be the Senate equivalent of the suicidal Mutually Assured Destruction of a nuclear bomb exchange.
Of immediate consequence to senators, it gives up their individual power. If the Senate plays by the rules of "majority rule" then no member has veto privilege. A senator is just a pea in a pod; the side with 51 peas gets its way.
Of immediate consequence to senators, it gives up their individual power. If the Senate plays by the rules of "majority rule" then no member has veto privilege. A senator is just a pea in a pod; the side with 51 peas gets its way.
"The Democrats left us no choice." |
We got to this point because political re-alignment created two parties with little overlap in policy positions. We have narrower tents for each party. Democrats used to be the party of urban liberals and southern racists. Now Democrats are the liberal party and Republicans are the party of Southern whites. Democrats pretty much need to be supportive of abortion rights and Republicans need to oppose them. Democratic grass roots activists require that a Democratic candidate support public employee unions, restrictions on guns, climate change regulations, and policies to assist disadvantaged groups. Republican primary voters require Republicans to oppose government employees, dismiss climate change as an exaggerated fear, oppose abortion and be the party representing whites.
Beginning with Newt Gingrich's insight--proven correct in elections--voters respond well to language of harsh condemnation, in which the opposition was described as "disgusting" rather than "wrong", "treasonous" rather than "misguided", and "utterly corrupt" rather than "influenced." There is less and less political room for officeholders to compromise or appear to compromise. Voters in ones party would not stand for it.
After the death of Justice Scalia Republicans successfully denied Obama a hearing on Merrick Garland. It broke a Senate norm and expectation but it was not clearly unconstitutional. The Senate simply refused to consider Obama's nominee to fill a vacancy when he had 11 months left in a 4 year term. Some senators went on to say they would never consider a nominee, and if a Democrat were elected president and they would refuse any Democratic president's nominee. Democratic senators--and Democratic voters--saw this as an insult to a sitting president and frightening. If Republicans could get away with this then Republicans could do anything, and worse, Democratic voters would see incumbent Democrats as weak and worthless. They would lose power and face, both.
Something that could have happened did not. Republican voters did not consider this an embarrassing abuse of power. Republican voters accepted it. Unaffiliated voters did not care. The McConnell gambit worked. Democrats hoped the public would be outraged. They were not.
Democrats could not let this insult stand. Democrats had to respond. Among Democratic voters a "red line" had been crossed. Therefore, Democrats had to do a form of hostage exchange. Republicans stopped perfectly qualified Garland; Democrats would have to stop perfectly qualified Gorsuch.
There was a way out of this. McConnell could have arranged with Trump and Chuck Schumer a face-saving solution. Trump could have put up a nominee--Gorsuch or someone else--and let Democrats save face by denying that nominee, and Republicans could have protested and let it go. Republicans could have recognized that their flat denial of Garland his seat required a Democratic response--tit for tat--and then got their second nominee through easily, and done so preserving the filibuster rule.
McConnell did not do it. Possibly it is simply a failure of leadership. Sometimes countries chose self destruction because the leader lacks imagination and foresight. In hindsight, August of 1914 witnessed that as Europe fell into a world war that destroyed the empires of the participants. In this case McConnell had his imperative: to save face among Republican senators and voters Republicans had to win.
McConnell feared his own Republican voters and he saw that they responded to bold, aggressive talk and action of the kind voiced by Trump, not tentative, nuanced, actions of the kind that preserves the rules of the Senate. Indeed, one of the messages of the Trump triumph was the bipartisan realization that voters considered bipartisan politeness, nuance, balance, mutual respect and understanding of the interests of others to be weakness. The formal civility of the Senate made senators look like fancy pants sissies. That mild tone and polite language was the Obama way of doing things. Trump talked tough and people liked it.
The election was a rejection of expertise and bipartisanship and globalism and respect for diversity. That was Hillary's thing, and Obama's. The Trump-Republican triumph was a triumph of our side winning.
McConnell feared his own Republican voters and he saw that they responded to bold, aggressive talk and action of the kind voiced by Trump, not tentative, nuanced, actions of the kind that preserves the rules of the Senate. Indeed, one of the messages of the Trump triumph was the bipartisan realization that voters considered bipartisan politeness, nuance, balance, mutual respect and understanding of the interests of others to be weakness. The formal civility of the Senate made senators look like fancy pants sissies. That mild tone and polite language was the Obama way of doing things. Trump talked tough and people liked it.
The election was a rejection of expertise and bipartisanship and globalism and respect for diversity. That was Hillary's thing, and Obama's. The Trump-Republican triumph was a triumph of our side winning.
Democratic activists were watching closely whether Democratic senators would "take this lying down" and accept the humiliation by Republicans by doing for Gorsuch what Republicans refused to do for Garland. They could not. Whether in tribal war, or the theft of Helen by the Trojans, or a prisoner exchange, if one side breaks the rule the other side must respond or forever be the vassal.
There will be consequences from this nuclear war inside the Senate. The power of members is much diminished. The confirmation of Gorsuch by the Senate confirms the partisan nature of Supreme Court judges, confirming that they are politicians in the arena, not above it. This weakens the Court.
Most of all, the end of the filibuster rule is a benefit for Democrats. Remember, traditionally Democrats are the party that wants good and more government. Republicans are the party that thinks it wants small government. The filibuster rule historically stops things.
This nuclear war mostly hurts Republicans.
Sometime in the next decade Democrats will control several of the arms of government. They will retake the House or Senate or White House, or all of them. Big legislation, e.g. civil rights legislation, got stopped by the filibuster rule in the 1960s. Sooner or later there will be opportunity for big legislation, for example Medicare for All. Narrow Democratic majorities will make it happen in the absence of the filibuster.
Most of all, the end of the filibuster rule is a benefit for Democrats. Remember, traditionally Democrats are the party that wants good and more government. Republicans are the party that thinks it wants small government. The filibuster rule historically stops things.
This nuclear war mostly hurts Republicans.
Ending the Filibuster was a big mistake for Republicans. |
The news today is about the American military response to Syria's Assad, but I make a prediction: fifty years from now the important news of this day will be the Senate's decision to choose the nuclear option and end the filibuster.
2 comments:
“The End of the Left’s Suspended Disbelief in Trump World”
That so many left commentators doubted Gorsuch would be confirmed is explained by suspended disbelief in our new political reality. First was the shock of Trump’s election despite compelling political science data from four university predictive models that confidently forecast his win (not to mention all 10 UpClose pre-election podcasts). Then followed denial fueled by fantasies of rogue delegates, Russian conspiracies and quick impeachment. Now we are in the anger stage at Trump’s supposed incompetence. We will now enter the negotiation stage of grief, as Democratic voters come to grips with the profound arrogance and incompetence of our politically blinded establishment, our “we are the world” globalist ideological narcissism in ashes in Washington. We’re in good company as our open borders anti-nationalism invigorates neo-nationalism from Oklahoma City to London, Paris and Rome.
The Republican mind now understands political power in ways we haven’t, just as we understand cultural destiny as they cannot. We will ultimately “win” because government policy is no match for cultural power, just as drug laws and border walls can repress neither drug use nor mass migration. But in this here and now paycheck to retirement world, debits, credits and liberty have been allocated by federal politics. Trump’s new neo-nationalist party is ascendant, and initially reluctant establishment Republicans have pledged their pragmatic allegiance as we forced eight endangered Democratic senators to oppose a mainstream conservative judge. Things are likely to get worse for us in Washington. We undoubtedly will fill our sanctuary cities to the brim, as Republicans hope to watch us suffocate in our unfunded cultural victory, with their Supreme Court articulating why our natural political constituencies have no federal voting or other political rights.
Trump does nothing about the Syrian chemical attack because he is incompetent, feckless and beholden to Putin, MSNBC explained yesterday, just hours before Trump’s cruise missiles humiliated the network once again. Trump’s lies about being surveilled by Obama have stripped him all credibility, we were told, just weeks before the scandal broke about his top intelligence political appointee, National Security Advisor Susan Rice, mulling over the transcripts of Trump officials talking politics with Russian bosses. That Republican investigation will endure like Hillary Clinton and Benghazi.
Trump world is a place where the President gets international acclaim for a cruise missile attack on a war criminal, on the same day his political judge is confirmed to the Supreme Court, and the Democratic defense of filibuster needlessly falls upon a Democratic sword. The skids are now greased for a legislative juggernaut to deconstruct the administrative state erected during the apex of Democratic power. Gorsuch is just the first of Trump’s appointees who wall off culture from law.
But there is no dishonor in rising from the ashes, nor any practical need to rush it. It’s time to start afresh, let Washington recede from our consciousness. Democrats can be the new party of states rights and the new enemies of federal government. State government is where we should focus our efforts, New York and San Francisco our shared capitols, Austin and Denver our inspiration of what the union of culture and politics can be. SXSW, indie culture and now indie politics. Time to end the disbelief, and get to work on allocating political and economic debits, credits and liberty at the state and local level where blue can thrive and lead.
Las Vegas had the Senate going "nuclear" at even odds. Republicans are drunk with power so I accepted that they would push through the nomination. The gamble for them is that they may lose the majority, and they are taking the bet that the Dems can't mount an effective assault by next year. If they make it through the mid-terms intact they will have a mandate, and Trump will be secure as well, no matter his approval rating, which is unlikely to ever hit 50%.
So we need solid articulate Progressive candidates who can make the argument, not to change minds-the only way that will happen is with a complete scandal-ridden economic meltdown-but by convincing non-voters to vote in their economic self interest. Optimism is a necessary element, but Progressives also need to shift to the center (starting with defining it) enough so that disillusioned Trumpers will find a welcome. Time is of the essence.
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