We have gone to war.

"War is the health of the state."
Randolph Bourne, American public intellectual, 1917

We are in the startle phase this morning. The startle phase is the orientation: "Wow. It happened. War."

The "shock and awe" phase comes shortly, when we see video of our missiles and airborne firepower. The U.S. likes fighting from the air. That's our wheelhouse. There is something exhilarating about sitting in a safe, comfortable spot, seeing what looks like fireworks, when viewed from the shooter's view, and far away.

This is the honeymoon period. 

We can hope that this comes to a good end. What would that be? Maybe a friendly Iran, no longer a state sponsor of anti-west terror. Maybe it becomes a secular, multi-ethnic, democratic state seeking peaceful trade deals with the world. In the honeymoon period, anything is possible.

Notice that Congress did not declare war. Indeed, it was not consulted. The American people were not consulted either, beyond the fact that we elected Donald Trump. We did not elect a dictator; we elected a president within a constitutional structure. We did not sign off on this war.

Congress has abdicated its responsibility. Every president wants to accumulate power. Under Trump, Congress became an advisory body: partly Greek chorus, partly hands-off board of directors, partly a bullpen and audition space for future executive offices. They have let this president accelerate the transition to an imperial president. Trump wants all of that power and more, and he takes it. Congress lets him.

"There will be casualties," Trump said early this morning. This is war, it is intentional, and we are taking the initiative. There are questions deserving debate and the consensus envisioned in a constitutional republic. Is this war in our interest? What are our war aims? Are we willing to put boots on the ground?  How are we going to pay for this?

Randolph Bourne warned that the war concentrates power in the executive. This war has a second front, in the multi-decade war over our form of government. 

In a battlefield war map, officers would mark this month's tariff case in the Supreme Court as a setback for the executive in the battle line of power. (The Court acted independently, as a temporary but inconsistent ally of Congress.) Congress fought back the tariff bulge initiative.

This war has a second purpose: the presidential power battle. It reasserts presidential primacy in major policy decisions. He just did it. Sit back and watch. This war is a back-door way into better control of state and local government by triggering the "wartime" exceptions and special powers. The president had asserted special powers because we were at "war" with drug gangs and unauthorized immigrants. It was a stretch, at best. But this is real war, with aircraft carriers and fighter jets. It opens the floodgates of new powers. He can make certain that the right people vote in November and that ballots are counted and reported by people loyal to Trump.

I don't feel hopeless. Congress could assert itself. The time to have done so is weeks and months ago. Congress will rise up off the mat if and when the war goes badly. Then voices will emerge saying that the president had no right to do this. 

I want success and safety for our troops. That would be a good outcome. But there are consequences to that. If things go well, Trump will say it is proof that he alone knows how to win and that we should cede him even more power. And he will take it.

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